Abraham Lincoln, by G.P.A. Healy, 1887 - from the White House
Gettysburg Address
Fourscore and seven years ago our fathers brought forth on this
continent a new nation, conceived in Liberty and dedicated to the
proposition that all men are created equal.
Now we are engaged in a great civil war, testing whether that nation or
any nation so conceived and so dedicated can long endure. We are met on
a great battle field of that war. We have come to dedicate a portion of
that field, as a final resting-place for those who here gave their lives
that that nation might live. It is altogether fitting and proper that we
should do this.
But, in a larger sense, we can not dedicate - we can not consecrate - we
can not hallow - this ground. The brave men, living and dead, who
struggled here, have consecrated it, far above our poor power to add or
detract. The world will little note, nor long remember, what we say
here, but it can never forget what they did here. It is for us the
living, rather, to be dedicated here to the unfinished work which they
who fought here have thus far so nobly advanced. It is rather for us to
be here dedicated to the great task remaining before us - that from
these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which
they gave the last full measure of devotion - that we here highly
resolve that these dead shall not have died in vain - that this nation,
under God, shall have a new birth of freedom - and that government of
the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the
earth.
Abraham Lincoln, Speech at the Dedication of the National Cemetery
at Gettysburg, PA, November 19, 1863
At this second appearing to take the oath of the presidential
office, there is less occasion for an extended address than there
was at the first. Then a statement, somewhat in detail, of a course
to be pursued, seemed fitting and proper. Now, at the expiration of
four years, during which public declarations have been constantly
called forth on every point and phase of the great contest which
still absorbs the attention, and engrosses the energies of the
nation, little that is new could be presented. The progress of our
arms, upon which all else chiefly depends, is as well known to the
public as to myself; and it is, I trust, reasonably satisfactory and
encouraging to all. With high hope for the future, no prediction in
regard to it is ventured.
On the occasion corresponding to this four years ago, all thoughts
were anxiously directed to an impending civil war. All dreaded
it--all sought to avert it. While the inaugeral [sic] address was
being delivered from this place, devoted altogether to saving the
Union without war, insurgent agents were in the city seeking to
destroy it without war--seeking to dissole [sic] the Union, and
divide effects, by negotiation. Both parties deprecated war; but one
of them would make war rather than let the nation survive; and the
other would accept war rather than let it perish. And the war came.
One eighth of the whole population were colored slaves, not
distributed generally over the Union, but localized in the Southern
part of it. These slaves constituted a peculiar and powerful
interest. All knew that this interest was, somehow, the cause of the
war. To strengthen, perpetuate, and extend this interest was the
object for which the insurgents would rend the Union, even by war;
while the government claimed no right to do more than to restrict
the territorial enlargement of it. Neither party expected for the
war, the magnitude, or the duration, which it has already attained.
Neither anticipated that the cause of the conflict might cease with,
or even before, the conflict itself should cease. Each looked for an
easier triumph, and a result less fundamental and astounding. Both
read the same Bible, and pray to the same God; and each invokes His
aid against the other. It may seem strange that any men should dare
to ask a just God's assistance in wringing their bread from the
sweat of other men's faces; but let us judge not that we be not
judged. The prayers of both could not be answered; that of neither
has been answered fully. The Almighty has his own purposes. "Woe
unto the world because of offences! for it must needs be that
offences come; but woe to that man by whom the offence cometh!" If
we shall suppose that American Slavery is one of those offences
which, in the providence of God, must needs come, but which, having
continued through His appointed time, He now wills to remove, and
that He gives to both North and South, this terrible war, as the woe
due to those by whom the offence came, shall we discern therein any
departure from those divine attributes which the believers in a
Living God always ascribe to Him? Fondly do we hope--fervently do we
pray--that this mighty scourge of war may speedily pass away. Yet,
if God wills that it continue, until all the wealth piled by the
bond-man's two hundred and fifty years of unrequited toil shall be
sunk, and until every drop of blood drawn with the lash, shall be
paid by another drawn with the sword, as was said three thousand
years ago, so still it must be said "the judgments of the Lord, are
true and righteous altogether"
With malice toward none; with charity for all; with firmness in the
right, as God gives us to see the right, let us strive on to finish
the work we are in; to bind up the nation's wounds; to care for him
who shall have borne the battle, and for his widow, and his
orphan--to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and lasting
peace, among ourselves, and with all nations.
Washington, DC, March 4, 1865
This, too, shall pass away.
It
is said an Eastern monarch once charged his wise men to invent him a
sentence, to be ever in view, and which should be true and appropriate
in all times and situations. They presented him the words: "And
this, too, shall pass away."
How much it expresses! How chastening in the hour of pride! How
consoling in the depths of affliction!
Abraham Lincoln, Address to the Wisconsin State Agricultural Society,
Milwaukee, WI, September 30, 1859